by Sumin Lee
In Brief Summary
El Salvador has continuously evolved through poignant moments of hysteria and tragedy. Transitioning from a dictatorial system to an early form of democracy, the U.S.-backed JRG (Junta Revolucionária de Governo de El Salvador) plunged the nation into an era of anarchy contested by the FMLN (Frente Farabundo Martí de Libertação Nacional), eventually sparking a civil war following Archbishop Óscar Romero (an extremely significant religious and social figure)’s assassination. The decades-long conflict, rife with massacres and atrocities, ended with the 1992 Chapultepec Peace Accord under UN supervision. However, the aftermath left the country in social, economic, and political disarray, exacerbated by the rise of MS-13 and Barrio-18 street gangs. Successive leaders initiated recovery: Mauricio Funes (president of El Salvador instated in 2009) initiated political transparency and law enforcement reform, Sánchez Cerén (president of El Salvador instated in 2014) enforced the “Mano Dura” (Iron Hand) policy, and under Nayib Bukele (current president), a proper purge has incarcerated 105,000 suspected gang affiliates as of March 2024, aiming to purge the gangs that had long plagued the nation.
Specifics and Current Situation
The Chapultepec Peace Accords
Foreign pressure, spearheaded by the United Nations, pushed El Salvador’s central government and military leaders to negotiate peace with leftist guerrilla fighters. This effort culminated in the signing of the Chapultepec Peace Accords on January 16, 1992, in Mexico City. However, the agreement came too late to prevent widespread devastation. By then, approximately 75,000 people—primarily civilians—had died, infrastructure had suffered extreme damage, and the economy was in shambles. The nation’s challenges were further compounded by the emergence of violent gangs in the following years, plunging El Salvador into a state of emergency.
Following this in 2009, Mauricio Funes, the presidential candidate for the FMLN, the party formerly associated with leftist guerrilla groups, took office. Funes inherited a politically and economically divided nation still recovering from a nearly two-decade-old war. Prioritizing transparency, Funes launched investigations into Civil War atrocities, arresting those responsible for humanitarian crimes. Notably, on the 20th anniversary of the Chapultepec Peace Accords, he recognized and apologized for the massacre of 936 people in El Mozote.
Tackling Gang Violence
As gang violence surged, particularly from Barrio 18 and MS-13, Funes enlisted the military alongside police forces to restore civil order. A gang truce mediated by Roman Catholic clerics in 2012 offered brief respite but collapsed within a year. In 2014, Funes’ vice president, Sánchez Cerén, took office, implementing the “mano dura” policy to crack down on gangs. This strategy, involving intense police and military collaboration, significantly reduced homicide rates from a peak of 103 per 100,000 inhabitants to 36 by the end of his term. While these measures reduced violence, El Salvador still faced some of the highest global homicide rates.
Nayib Bukele’s Presidency and Reforms
In February 2019, Nayib Bukele broke the decades-long dominance of the FMLN and Arena parties, winning the presidency with 53% of the vote. A populist leader, Bukele’s earlier successes as mayor in reducing crime in Nuevo Cuscatlán and San Salvador fueled his popularity. To implement his nationwide reforms, he secured control of the legislative assembly, with his Nuevas Ideas party occupying 56 of 84 seats. This allowed him to replace five Supreme Court justices and two attorney generals, paving the way for a massive crackdown on gang activity in March 2022.
State of Emergency and Humanitarian Concerns
Bukele’s administration suspended due process, granting police sweeping powers to inspect personal communications and detain individuals on suspicion of gang affiliation. Tattoos alone could be grounds for arrest during the declared state of emergency. By January 2024, El Salvador’s incarceration rate soared to 1,086 prisoners per 100,000 people, with approximately 105,000 individuals detained by March 2024. Overcrowded prisons, inhumane conditions, and allegations of wrongful detentions plagued the judicial system. Independent organizations like Socorro Jurídico reported as many as 14,000 individuals were wrongly detained, including minors as young as 12, often held without legal or familial contact.
Humanitarian Costs of the Crackdown
While the homicide rate dropped dramatically to 2.4 per 100,000 in 2023, concerns about humanitarian abuses persisted. Detainees faced severe overcrowding, poor nutrition, and harsh treatment in prisons like the Centre for the Confinement of Terrorism. Prisoners were often denied basic rights, such as time outside their cells or access to proper utensils and exercise facilities. Critics argue that such conditions dehumanize inmates, exacerbate societal marginalization, and raise ethical questions about El Salvador’s aggressive anti-crime measures.
Overall, El Salvador’s current position raises the question of whether the humanitarian concerns of the general public are worth it to forsake the legitimacy and transparency of the judicial system. Furthermore, should the abuse of prisoners, disregarding their past actions, should be allowed in these extreme prisons?
Resources used
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Summary of “United Nations Involvement in the Peace Process in El Salvador.” Beyond Intractability. https://www.beyondintractability.org/artsum/stuart-salvador
El Salvador – The post-conflict era. (n.d.). Encyclopedia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/place/El-Salvador/The-postconflict-era
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Feierstein, M. (2024, February 8). El Salvador’s Bukele: From “World’s Coolest Dictator” to “Philosopher King.” United States Institute of Peace. https://www.usip.org/publications/2024/02/el-salvadors-bukele-worlds-coolest-dictator-philosopher-king
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